The H Files

The H Files

Orgies as Summoning Rituals

How the Ruling Class Channeled "The Council of Nine," What Parsons and Roddenberry Did With It, and Why Polyamory is Promoted Now

Dr. Heather Lynn's avatar
Dr. Heather Lynn
May 02, 2026
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In the late 1780s, a Polish-born former Jew turned former Catholic named Jacob Frank was holding court in a manor house outside Frankfurt under the protection of the local nobility. He styled himself a Polish baron. The local authorities tolerated his presence because he had charmed the right people and arrived with serious money. His followers, who numbered in the thousands at his peak and had funded his lifestyle through donations from a network of crypto-converts spread across Habsburg Austria, Poland, and the German states, called him by various titles. The most precise was the one he used himself. He was the Big Brother.

In Frank’s theology, the Big Brother was a specific cosmological role and not the surveillance figure George Orwell would coin the phrase for a hundred and fifty years later. The role was the next-stage Messiah, the figure who would arrive after the previous Messiah, Sabbatai Zevi, had completed his necessary descent into impurity through his apostasy to Islam in 1666. Frank taught that Sabbatai had been the first stage of the redemption. Sabbatai had descended. Sabbatai had failed publicly, in the sense that the world did not recognize the failure as redemption. The next stage required someone to push the descent further, to systematically violate every law that bound the cosmos, and to do so under the explicit theological framework that the violation was the operation. Frank was that someone. The Big Brother was the descended Messiah whose task was to redeem the universe by transgressing it.

His daughter Eva, who lived with him and ruled the inner circle after his death, was understood by the followers to be the incarnation of the Shekhinah, the indwelling feminine presence of God. Sexual union with her, symbolic or actual, was understood as the central redemptive sacrament of the movement.

The rites at the manor house were not orgies in the modern colloquial sense, which is to say, they were not parties. The rites were structured workings conducted under specific theological license, in extinguished-light conditions, with the participants understanding themselves to be enacting the descent of the divine into impurity for the purpose of redeeming the sparks trapped there. The doctrine that licensed the act is called the ibbur. In Lurianic Kabbalah, ibbur is the impregnation of one soul by another, the temporary indwelling of a higher soul in a lower vessel. The Sabbateans and Frankists used the ibbur doctrine to argue that the participants in their transgressive rites were not committing the transgression as their individual selves. The agent of the act was not the human. The agent was the descended divine spark working through the human vessel. The act of transgression, performed by the higher soul through the lower vessel, was therefore not sin but theurgy. Sin became redemption. Transgression became the sacrament.

This is not metaphor in the Frankist sources. Frank’s doctrine, transcribed by his followers in the collected sayings called Słowa Pańskie (The Words of the Lord), is explicit. The law must be transgressed for the next-stage Messiah to manifest. The transgression is the working. The body of the participant is the apparatus. The participant is not the operator.

The historical priesthoods of every developed mystery tradition on earth understood the same principle Frank articulated at his court in 1788. The participant in the high-level rite is not the operator. The body of the participant is the apparatus. The operator is the entity that has been summoned through the ritual act, and the entity uses the human vessel to perform the act.

This is the part of the technology the priesthoods reserved for the inner circle for five thousand years. This is what Aleister Crowley systematized through the Ordo Templi Orientis at the end of the nineteenth century and what Jack Parsons attempted to push further in the Mojave Desert in 1946 with L. Ron Hubbard as scribe. This is what the Council of Nine self-named to Andrija Puharich and Phyllis Schlemmer at a series of sessions in 1974 and 1975 that Gene Roddenberry attended, took notes on, and encoded into the cosmology of Star Trek: The Next Generation before his late-career deterioration.

This is also what is being rolled out right now, in 2026, into the general population through the cultural normalization of group sex, the transformational festival circuit, the Esalen-derived workshop economy, the contemporary group meditation traditions, and the Lucis Trust seed-group infrastructure that operates with consultative status at the United Nations.

The orgies were summoning rituals, not just swinger parties.

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We’ve been told our entire cultural life that the term “orgy” denotes excess, decadence, libertinism, or in the contemporary register, sexual liberation. In the working vocabulary of the priesthoods that developed the technology, the term denotes something else entirely. The orgy is the configuration. The configuration is the technology. The technology summons.

The Kandariya Mahadeva Temple at Khajuraho, completed under the Chandela dynasty around 1030 CE. The erotic carvings on the outer walls have been reframed by modern tourism as celebration of human sexuality. The Chandela rulers had documented Tantric and Kaula influences, and the carvings are read by serious scholars including Devangana Desai as ritual iconography rather than decoration.

The English word “orgy” comes directly from the Greek orgia, which did not mean what it means now. Orgia referred specifically to the secret rites of the mystery cults, especially the Dionysian rites. The Greek term carried no implication of sexual excess in the modern sense. It denoted the structured ritual workings performed by initiates of the mystery traditions, conducted in altered states, in specific geometries, with the doctrinal framework that licensed the participants as vessels for the entities the rite summoned. The contemporary meaning of “orgy” as group sexual activity is a downstream cultural collapse of what the word originally referred to. The piece you are reading is the recovery of the original meaning.

If the original meaning of orgia was the secret rites of the mystery cults, who preserved that meaning across the cultural collapse? Who was still working the rites after the broader culture forgot what the word referred to?

The Frankist material is the cleanest documented case where the theological license is articulated systematically. The Tantric ganachakra, the Dionysian thiasos, the Egyptian temple cult, the medieval witch sabbath as the trial confessions describe it, the Sabbatean and Frankist rites, all run on the same principle. The geometry of the rite matters. The number of participants matters. The doctrinal preparation of the participants matters. What does not matter, in the working as the priesthoods understood it, is the consent of the participants in the modern sense, because the participants are not the operators. The operators are the entities the rite summons.

I covered the dyadic operation in Money, Sex, and Sorcery. Two operators, focused intention, the substance produced flows to the held image at the moment of climax. The dyadic working produces offering. The substance flows from the human side of the transaction to the divine side. The yield is bounded by what two nervous systems can produce.

The yield is the energetic output the parasitic system extracts from the human nervous system. It is what Robert Monroe called loosh. It is the reason the ritual exists.

The group working produces something else. Multiple participants in specific geometry, sexually engaged, in altered states, with the doctrinal framework that licenses the human body as a vessel rather than as an agent, produces the conditions under which the entities can functionally enter the rite. The entities arrive. The entities use the bodies. The substance produced is generated through the entities’ activity using the human participants, not through the participants’ offering. The yield is qualitatively different because the source is different.

The priesthood reserved this technology. Now they are giving it to a population that does not know what it is.


The Ibbur and the Doctrine of the Descended Spark

You need the Lurianic frame to understand what the Frankists were actually doing, because the Frankist theology is a radical extension of a much older Jewish mystical doctrine that runs through the Safed circle of the sixteenth century and into every Kabbalistic tradition that followed.

The Frankist theology builds on Lurianic Kabbalah, the cosmological system Isaac Luria articulated in Safed in the 1570s. The short version, for readers new to my work, is that the universe in the Lurianic system is broken. Divine sparks fell into the kelipot, the shells of impurity, when the original vessels of creation shattered. The cosmic-redemptive task is tikkun, the gathering and elevation of those sparks back to their source. I laid out the full architecture in my Charlie Kirk piece earlier this year for readers who want the depth.

What matters here is what the Sabbateans and Frankists did with the framework.

Luria’s circle resolved the tikkun task through prayer, meditation, and ritual acts performed within Jewish law. The Sabbateans, who emerged a century later around the figure of Sabbatai Zevi, resolved it differently. Sabbatai declared himself the Messiah in 1665 and 1666. When the Ottoman Sultan presented him with the choice of conversion to Islam or death, Sabbatai converted. The movement, instead of collapsing, developed a sophisticated theology to explain why the Messiah had to descend into impurity. Nathan of Gaza, Sabbatai’s chief theologian, articulated the doctrine in his Treatise on the Dragons. Sabbatai’s soul was uniquely structured to descend into the kelipot and redeem the sparks trapped there directly. The apostasy was reframed not as failure but as the Messiah’s necessary descent.

The doctrine has a name. Mitzvah ha-ba’ah ba-aveirah, the commandment fulfilled through transgression. Gershom Scholem’s essay “Redemption Through Sin” remains the foundational scholarly treatment (Scholem 1971).

The radical Sabbateans pushed the doctrine into ritual practice. The Dönmeh communities in Salonika, descendants of Sabbatean converts to Islam who maintained their secret Sabbatean practice across generations, are reported in both internal and hostile sources to have practiced antinomian rites that involved married couples gathering in extinguished-light conditions and engaging in ritual sexual exchanges that violated the marital bonds permitted under Jewish law. The transgression was theurgy. The participants were performing tikkun by descending into impurity and elevating the sparks trapped there.

Frank pushed the doctrine to its terminal point. He taught that all law, including Sabbatean law, must be transgressed for the next-stage Messiah to manifest. The court at the manor house implemented this systematically. Pawel Maciejko's The Mixed Multitude documents the rites in considerable detail (Maciejko 2011). Harris Lenowitz's English translation of The Words of the Lord gives you Frank's doctrine in his own voice (Lenowitz 2004).

The mechanism that licensed the transgression theologically is the ibbur doctrine I named in the opening. In standard Lurianic Kabbalah, ibbur is the temporary indwelling of one soul in another body. A higher soul descends into a lower vessel for a specific redemptive purpose, performs the action that the higher soul is uniquely structured to perform, and withdraws. The lower vessel, the human participant, is not the agent of the action. The lower vessel is the apparatus through which the higher soul performs the work.

The Frankist application of the ibbur doctrine to the transgressive sexual rite is theologically clean. The participant is not committing the transgression as their individual self. The participant is hosting a higher soul, in many cases identified as a fragment of the descended Messiah’s own soul, which is performing the redemptive theurgy through the participant’s body. The participant is not the operator. The descended divine spark is the operator.

This is the claim that travels across every developed mystery tradition. The participant is not the operator. The technology allows the entities, whatever their cosmological identification in the local vocabulary, to enter the human vessel and use it.

The Sabbatean-Frankist tradition is the cleanest case in the Western documentary record because the doctrine is articulated systematically and the primary sources survive. The same principle runs through every other developed tradition that worked at this level.


The Pattern Across Traditions

The Tantric ganachakra rites preserve the mechanism in living practice. The Kaulajnananirnaya, attributed to the ninth-century master Matsyendranath, lays out the central rite with engineering precision. Eight female practitioners arrange themselves in a circle corresponding to the eight directions. A ninth figure occupies the center. The position is called the navayogini chakra, the wheel of nine yoginis. The text is explicit that the participants are not eight humans and one human. The participants are deva-rupa, god-formed. The yoginis are present in the rite, using the human bodies of the practitioners as the vessels for the duration of the working. David Gordon White's Kiss of the Yogini is the serious scholarly source on this material (White 2003).

The Greek mystery cults ran on a similar principle. The Dionysian thiasos, the band of devotees who entered the Bacchic frenzy in the rites of Dionysus, were understood to be hosting Dionysus in their bodies for the duration of the rite. Euripides, writing the Bacchae in 405 BCE for an Athenian audience that understood the rites firsthand, presents the bakcheia as the actual state of having Dionysus inside the participant, directing the action. The Greek term enthousiasmos, from en (in) and theos (god), is precisely this. The participant has the god inside.

The sexual content of the Dionysian rites is documented in the iconography of the satyr plays and in the surviving vase paintings. The participants in the thiasos engaged in sexual acts with figures the rite identified as Dionysus and his satyrs. The participants were not having sex with each other in costume. The participants were the bodies through which Dionysus and the satyrs had sex with each other, using the human body as the apparatus.

Athenian red-figure vase, c. 500 BCE, attributed to the circle of the Chairias Painter. The hetairai and satyrs of the Dionysian iconography are not erotic decoration. They are the visual record of what the thiasos actually was.

The Egyptian temple cult ran the same way. The pharaoh, in the developed Egyptian theology, was Horus while alive and Osiris after death. The queen was Isis and Hathor. The hieros gamos rite of the heb-sed jubilee placed the pharaoh and queen in functional embodiment of Osiris and Isis, with the priesthood managing the temple geometry, the pharmacological substances administered to the participants, and the protocols developed across centuries to make the embodiment stable.

The Sumerian temple of Inanna implemented the same working through the priestess who performed the sacred marriage with the king or his stand-in. The priestess was Inanna for the duration of the rite. The king was Dumuzi. The substance produced by the union was generated through the deities' activity using the human bodies. The temple collected the yield through the institutional architecture of the priesthood.

The medieval witch trial confessions, however unreliable for their specific factual content, consistently describe the sabbath as a rite in which the participants entered altered states, encountered the figure they understood as the devil, and engaged in sexual acts with him and with each other in geometric arrangements that the priestly examiners recognized as inversions of the Christian rites. The architecture is the same as the older pagan rites that survived in folk practice through the medieval period. The participants were entering states of divine embodiment with a different intelligence on the other side of the contact.

The pattern is consistent across cultures that had no possibility of historical contact with each other. Group ritual sex in specific geometry produces stable embodiment of non-physical intelligences in human bodies. The vocabulary varies but the substructure does not.

The Egyptian council that ruled the cosmos was the Ennead of Heliopolis, nine gods structured as three generations descending from a single source. The Sumerian Anunna council was three principal nodes above seven decreers. Nine again. The Greek tradition gives Apollo nine Muses. The Norse cosmos has nine worlds. The Aztec calendar has nine Lords of the Night. The Christian angelic hierarchy has nine choirs of angels arranged in three triads. The Tantric navayogini is eight participants around a central ninth. Cultures with no possibility of historical contact reported back the same organizational topology.

In 1952, in Glen Cove, Maine, a group around the physician Andrija Puharich began receiving communication from intelligences who self-identified as the Council of Nine. The intelligences claimed to be the same entities the Egyptian priesthood had called the Ennead. They claimed that nine was their organizational structure, that the structure had been consistent across the entire human historical period, and that every priesthood that had ever achieved direct contact with them had been shown the same geometry.

The geometry is not a property of the human cultures that received it. The geometry is a property of the entities. Nine is the formation that produces stable contact with the council the entities organize themselves into. The temple is the material implementation of the geometry. The rite is the temporal implementation. The participants complete the architecture.

It seems that when the formation is correctly assembled, the entities arrive.


What Happened in the Mojave and at Lab Nine

The historical priesthoods reserved this technology for the inner circle. Across the past hundred years, two figures attempted to push the architecture outside the protective frameworks of the historical traditions, and the documentary record of what happened to them is the most important data we have for understanding what the current rollout is going to do to the participants in it.

Jack Parsons performed the Babalon Working in the Mojave Desert in 1946 with L. Ron Hubbard as scribe. The working was an attempt to summon the figure Crowley had named Babalon, the redeemed Whore of Babylon, into incarnation through a sequence of sexual rites and channeled communications. Parsons was a rocket scientist, co-founder of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, and a serious operator in the Crowleyan tradition. He was not a hobbyist. The working was conducted with full theological seriousness using rites Parsons had studied in the Crowleyan corpus and developed further on his own.

Gene Roddenberry sat in the Council of Nine sessions at Andrija Puharich’s estate in Ossining, New York, across 1974 and 1975. The sessions were conducted with Phyllis Schlemmer as the medium. The Nine spoke through her in plain English. They identified themselves as the Egyptian Ennead, claimed responsibility for the direction of human civilization across the entire historical period, and dictated material that Roddenberry took notes on and encoded into the cosmology of Star Trek: The Next Generation, which he developed and produced through the late 1980s.

Both men documented what they did. Both men suffered the cumulative-contact deterioration the historical priesthoods understood would happen to anyone who attempted sustained work with the entities outside the protective protocols. Parsons was dead within six years of the Babalon Working, killed in a laboratory explosion in 1952 under circumstances that have never been adequately explained. Roddenberry’s late-career deterioration is documented in the biographical literature, and an interview from his late period that has been circulating across the internet for the past several years shows him speaking about young girls in language that anyone who has read the Frankist material will recognize.

The rest of this piece is for paid subscribers. What Parsons documented in the Mojave, what the Council of Nine actually told Roddenberry, the operational mechanics of both workings, what is being rolled out through the Lucis Trust seed groups and the festival circuit and the polyamory wave right now, and the close on what is being prepared, is on the other side of the paywall.


Warning: what follows includes the explicit reconstruction of the Babalon Working, the specific rites Parsons attempted in the Mojave, the desert workings that followed, the documented deterioration of Parsons through his late correspondence with Crowley, the Council of Nine transcripts from the Lab Nine sessions, the Roddenberry interview and what it indicates about cumulative contact, the Lucis Trust seed-group implementation under United Nations consultative status, the festival-circuit rollout, the polyamory wave as one node in the initiation without consent, and the analysis of what is being prepared. It ends with the question of what happens when the participants in the rollout begin to recognize what they have been participating in.


The Mojave

Parsons rented a stretch of the Mojave outside Pasadena in January 1946. The working he had developed, drawing on Crowley's Liber Cheth and Liber 49 along with his own modifications, was a sequence of rites conducted across eleven nights. Hubbard served as the scribe and as the seer, the participant whose role was to perceive what arrived during the working and report it to Parsons in real time. The geometry was triadic, with Parsons as the operator, Hubbard as the seer, and the figure of Babalon as the entity being summoned through the rite.

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